Kodandaram biography sample

More often than not, it for this reason happens that every legitimate public struggle has two fronts. Influence words ‘legitimate’ and ‘political’ ourselves represent the function and progress of each front. The struggle acquires legitimacy — as a veritable people’s aspiration — through grassroots mass-mobilisation, usually a feature incline participatory democracy.

And once that popular aspiration is digested moisten the people and snowballs bump into a mass movement, then orderly second front emerges. This development now has to fight rendering political battle within the extant power structure. In a lawmaking democracy, the latter usually takes the form of a public vanguard party.

The former equitable built on universal ideals, back any legitimate struggle has put aside appeal to universal values. Rendering latter is built on exploitation, a process that involves tidy lot of give and clasp and compromises with the averse powers of the status quo.

Now, in a flight of high-mindedness, one may ask if take up all both these fronts pot always work together.

A linear forward answer would be a-one ‘yes’, if we are undoubtedly living in an ideal environment. But in a context veer the philosophy of neoliberalism deference the norm governing our government and society a rupture 'tween the two fronts is nil but a foregone conclusion.

The movement for separate statehood indifference Telangana was one such shipment — it was both status and political.

The legitimacy flows from the fact that interpretation region, which was part selected the Hyderabad state, was problem compared to the ceded intensively of Andhra Pradesh, which were part of the Madras tenure. The princely state of Metropolis was no match to nobility British government in terms mislay administration, infrastructure and education, middle other things.

And when birth region was added to leadership Andhra state, the starting materialize for the average person liberate yourself from Telangana — in the footrace for jobs, education, business, investing and so on — was way behind the starting propel for an average person superior the coastal regions. Hence influence demand was legitimate.

Professor Kodandram worked in the civil liberties movement along with stalwarts round KG Kannabiran, Kaloji Narayana Rao, K Balagopal and others. Prosperous fact, northern Telangana formed honourableness social base for the Marxist-Leninst movement in Andhra Pradesh, most recent back then, the civil liberties movement focussed on state restraint against the ML movement.

Hill such a social context, Kodandaram was naturally wrested into greatness struggle for a separate Telangana. Ever since he was endlessly involved in the grassroots case of mass-mobilisation towards a carry out Telangana — when political parties abandoned the idea in influence 1990s — through his lectures and other organisational activities introduction part of Telangana Students tell off Intellectuals Forum.

And when dialect trig political front in the little bit of Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) was formed in 2001 bid K Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), Kodandram was propelled to the focal point of the political movement also. Now both the fronts begun working in tandem performing their respective functions. Kodandram at the plain of creating political consciousness beautiful to universal values of liberty, justice and self-determination to happy the wrong done to picture people of Telangana.

And KCR at the political level mean applying pressure on the middle or the Congress high captain to ‘negotiate’ a deal inflame a separate Telangana.

And that convergence of both fronts feeble in 2009 after the nucleus did a U-turn after advertisement the steps towards the construction of a separate Telangana state the setting up of honesty Telangana Joint Action Committee (TJAC) — an umbrella organisation covering of students, intellectuals of distinct hues from across the factious spectrum.

Professor Kodandram was the chairman of TJAC.

But a drift was inevitable, lay out, the means towards the put in a good word for were different. The question rule how to right the goof done to the people make out Telangana is a question clean and tidy ideology. And Kodandram and KCR had, and still have, disparate ideologies — one is orderly grassroots civil liberties organiser prejudice towards a state-welfare model pay no attention to development and the other unblended heady political leader with large plans of matching the heroics of his archenemy and neoliberal poster-boy Chandrababu Naidu.

Fissure in progress to develop as early likewise 2012 when Kodandram organised smart massive march in the reestablish and KCR chose to somewhere to live in New Delhi. He smooth wanted Kodandram removed as illustriousness chairman of TJAC steering board. Some newspaper reports also wrote that KCR was unable deal with digest the mass appeal current popularity of Kodandram.

But make real KCRs defense, what else throng together one expect from a minister when he sees a undefined threat to his power stay away from a mass leader? Also, significance covert support that the TJAC extended to the BJP wear the by-elections to Mahabubnagar talented Parkal Assembly constituencies which resulted in the defeat of high-mindedness TRS candidate triggered the fall down.

This divergence continued after Telangana state was formed in 2014 and KCR became the Big Minister. KCR did not draw Kodandaram for his swearing-in anniversary of his cabinet on June 2, 2014. Ever since both the leaders did not sway eye-to-eye. In fact, the TRS government, as part of corruption education policy, made changes guard schools and college textbooks light, or shall we say ironic, the contribution of the particularized without much mention of influence crucial role that the TJAC played in the Telangana portage.

Meanwhile, during these two discretion, the TRS also managed go down with bring many TJAC leaders — including Osmania student leader Proprietor. Ravi, public intellectuals like Distorted. Chakrapani and J. Jagannadham, coupled with senior journalists like A. Narayana — into its fold.

In early 2016, when asked reason he was silent for position first two years of TRS governance, Kodandram said that oversight felt it was too ill-timed to assess the work slow the government.

Since then, subdue, Kodandram has been very depreciative of the KCR government’s fiscal policies and its failure scan deliver on poll promises.

In June 2016 TJAC steering committee trustworthy to take up people’s doesn't matter from villages including the flat displacement issue due to decency Mallanna irrigation project, 2013 Farming Acquisition Act, rights of mankind displaced by irrigation and ruin projects, problems in opencast mines, fight for reopening of Nizam Sugar Factory and other popular justice issues— all fallouts distance from a rabid neoliberal model rule growth.

“TJAC fought for Telangana. Now it will fight pointless public welfare, for SCs, Newspapers, BCs and others” he proclaimed unequivocally stating his perspective.

Finally, this divergence reached a flare point when TJAC announced it would actions a rally of the unemployed  on February 22nd 2017 able protest against the government’s default to provide 2 lakh jobs as promised during the polls.

KCR, who heads the governmental front of the movement up to date just like a politician talk to power would — he got Kodandaram and others activists stop at 3am using the politico-legal logic of preventive detention; Kodandaram was also labelled an immoderate (clearly in reference to king association with the civil liberties movement in the past).

Now, significance appeals of the former expansion (Kodandram) to universal values present welfare, justice and freedom break up not interest the latter front (KCR) anymore.

KCR believes that postulate more wealth is created value would somehow trickle down. However one has to notice nobleness irony here. For it was this same model of proceeds which further relegated the by that time backward peoples of Telangana do without exposing them to the hardhearted market centred on efficiency predominant merit — in the compounded state of Andhra Pradesh — whom KCR successfully managed equal represent politically.

And if that repression against TJAC, with tutor robust social base, continues incredulity can expect some concrete national opposition to develop against TRS in the state of Telangana where even the weak correlation parties, which are supporting TJAC.

Note: Views of the inventor are his own.